Education rights and refugees in the European context 

Theoneste BIMENYIMANA

Abstract

In this article, I delve into a question at the heart of the complex interaction between governmental and non-governmental personnel dealing and working with refugees. How do they support the realization of refugees; rights once they have any form of protection? For instance, how do they ensure equal opportunities to use the right to education to rejuvenate and furnish refugees; dignity? Refugees have the same human rights as citizens. However, the rights enshrined in international refugee law suffer from the promise of a universal framework within states. The definitions of making the rights of refugees as those of the citizens did not lead to the major realization of these sets of rights in everyday practices. Conceptually, I demonstrate the disparity between international refugees’ norms and mechanisms of enforcement within European societies. This has hampered refugees; ability to gain equal access to education and employment. Education thus plays a real, albeit limited, role for both the general public and refugees, for whom having easy access to it may be one of their main hopes in various ways of life. This paper will attempt to illuminate educational problems in their larger context by examining comprehensive and integrated approaches to assessing the needs of refugees in developing and developed countries: Romania, Germany, and Norway.

Keywords: Refugees, Human rights, Principled integration, Education rights, Governments, NGOs.

Introduction

In Romania, for example, Marec and colleagues argue that the education of refugees may require more effort than that of nationals[1]. The evidence suggests that refugees lack the financial means to pursue primary or higher education. In addition, the procedure itself could be time-consuming and more expensive, as the bureaucracy system as a whole attests.The UNHCR is in commission to provide physical, political, and social protection to refugees, also humanitarian aid such as food, shelter, and water[2] . European norms on refugees rights specify howrefugees have the same human rights as citizens, except for the right to vote and participate in politics. Many of their legal rights are denied to refugees because „they are caught between the global promise of universal human rightsquot”[3]. In the context that education of refugees is skipped over to national or international NGOs rather than being integrated at the local authority and community-based levels, which allows for discrimination and a sense of non-belonging.

This research seeks to comprehend how European society supports the realization of refugees; rights in rebuilding socially integrated lives, which can be explained by raising their educational rights awareness so that they can be supported in receiving an education. The goal of this study is to assess and explain some of the major obstacles that refugees face in their search for a meaningful life/social integration. The study intends to investigate how to provide some of the ingredients required for a meaningful integration process based on the right to education. This study seeks to answer the following questions: What are the rights that refugees have once they have been granted any form of international protection in host countries? Is access to education available for refugees and to what level? — Here are the methods we will use to address these original problems that lead experts to think about educational rights for refugees, which have led to controversy over international human rights law, and concentrate on the right to education. Their thoughts have contributed to the greater complexity of refugee integration.

Theoretical Background

For this study’s theoretical framework, theories from the comprehensive book that examines all facets of human rights and draws on political theory, sociology, and international relations in addition to international law have been evaluated[4]. This first section aims to understand the contemporary approaches to contextualizing the right to education in order to improve refugee integration. Furthermore, the aim is to find out whether the underlying international-European requirements for the right of asylum correspond to the practical view and whether there is a lack of political will to grant refugees the same rights to education as the citizens of the receiving countries since the right to education is universal, indivisible and interconnected.

As a consequence, the concept of equal rights to education has evoked education to its connections to community development. Thus, the concept of humanitarian assistance has been enlarged beyond food, shelter, and water. Therefore, education for refugees is seen to be a vital tool to principled integration programs. This reflects on the various schools of thought in the education field, for example, Carolyn Miles, without education, he believes, the chances are stacked against refugee children.

They give up the assurance that comes with attending school as well as the certifications that will make it simpler for them to get employment in the future[5]. Sarah Dryden-Peterson believes that the links between education and community development, particularly the significance that education plays in fostering cooperative and democratic societies[6]. Furthermore, Tom Fletcher recognized that educating a generation requires more than just money, but also a new shared commitment[7].

The type, caliber, and length of education provided to refugees and their children are determined by host community rather than their learning needs[8]. In other words, the implementation of international rights for refugees’ education is dissimilar from the host countries’ perspectives. Koehler Claudia and colleagues concur with the evidence which suggests that education is one of the most crucial integration areas, is essential for socioeconomic success and for overcoming obstacles in receiving communities, and may be able to meet social and emotional requirements[9].

Chovpan Ganna claims that the concept of uncertainty has the potential to negatively affect refugee education by having them wait a long time and causing them to feel forlorn and helpless. As a result, the level of knowledge and cognitive skills obtained can significantly affect rejuvenation[10]. According to Giulia Casati, mentoring definitions should be used in refugee education because it fosters a sense of community, improves physical and mental wellness, enhances lives, and gives refugees the confidence to face challenges and difficulties[11]. Furthermore, for instance, the evidence suggests that in Romania, barriers to education for refugees and asylum seekers are predominantly linguistic, administrative, and legal in nature[12].

The analysis examines questions at the core of relative International Instruments Right to Education[13] enforcement – How has the universal right to education been practically recognized as an equal opportunity for refugees to participate in socioeconomic activities? I set this question theoretically and empirically in the context of mass refugees facing language barriers, psychosocial issues, direct or indirect discrimination in educational institutions as well as limited catchup classes are among the most common challenges in host communities. To do so, I first bring together concepts that situate educational rights for refugees vis-à-vis European requirements on asylum and use Global Framework for Refugee Education[14] as a framework for understanding the mechanisms of realization/failing the right to education. However, as it will be argued, legal definitions of refugees rights provide the basic standards on which principled action can be based. As a result, refugees must have access to education and employment.

Perhaps they can learn to recognize and assert their rights as they progress. Therefore governments and humanitarian organizations should aim to rejuvenate and furnish refugees’ dignity, offering them fair opportunities to develop their potential and a strong, meaningful sense of self. Thus, international refugee law defines who is and is not a refugee, as well as the range of rights to which they are entitled once granted refugee status. The European Human Rights Charter also guarantees fundamental rights to everyone living inside its borders, including its residents and individuals of other nationalities, such as the right to education (Protocol 1, Article 2). As a result, education is one of the rights that can lead refugees to a socially integrated life.

Once they have consistent access to education, within a progressive and dedicated educational process that is easily accessible to them. The fact that we live in a double-sided community with prosocial and antisocial behaviors, with ambivalent public attitudes and mechanisms leading to refugee helping versus rejection, requires a better understanding of this phenomenon. The experiences of African refugees in Europe exemplify what I argue are remarkably similar situations of refugees who have had their lives annihilated and who must therefore reestablish and understand new ways of life in the host societies, as well as the rights and responsibilities of their children’s education, which can eventually lead them to redeem the cause of their parents in exilebt.

Thus, education plays a great ole to meet psychosocial needs due to the disruption of children’s lives through conflict and displacement. This results in the great need for structured activities that provide a sense of routine and normality. Therefore, education fills such a role. In this study, the tensions—wide global political instability, and cultural, socioeconomic, and educational conditions also have a comparable status in the contemporary world. Governments that do not at least attempt to undertake rapid and sustainable economic growth („leadership activities”), popular political participation („democratic values”), and respect for Civil Rights, Judicial Rights, and Socioeconomic Rights („human rights”) severely compromise to their national and international legitimacy.

As a result, people, not just refugees, are fleeing their homes. Coming back to our initial research questions: What are the rights that refugees have once they have been granted any form of international protection in host countries? Refugees have all the human rights that the citizens of host countries have, according to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Article 26[15] and the European convention on human rights[16]. Is access to education available for refugees and to what level? Access to affordable education (particularly at the doctoral level) increases the refugees’ potential to rebuild a socially integrated life. The present article will first outline the long road that led to the influx of refugees in European society. In light of the human rights challenges, they faced in their home countries, this paper will seek to identify the factors that may facilitate their successful integration.

The second and third parts will concentrate on educational rights within the framework of the international refugee norms architecture. We will look into this matter by analyzing the school of thought claiming the universality of human rights, which has sometimes limitations based on the fact that they are aligned with West liberal democracy, part of a neo-colonial attitude that is being promulgated worldwide[17]. For clarity, it requires us on one hand, to go back to some of the statements made by human rights activists like António Guterres who stated that “we do not only face refugees’ crisis but also the crisis of solidarity”, Angela Dorothea Merkel, former Chancellor of Germany states that “we have achieved so much, we will make it work”. On the other hand, we have those who see the promotion of human rights as a diabolic tool used by the West against other nations like Dr. Tajudeen Abdul-Raheem thinks that promoting human rights is only another justification for interfering with or controlling other sovereigns[18].

In order to cover up the inherent constriction at the core of its calculations that was disseminated globally,Western Nations, despite their own claim of universal human rights, have been the greatest abusers of human rights. This is true both literally and ideologically. That’s why the refugees’ issue is one of the challenges of our time. It puts collective humanity to the test and challenges assumptions about national identity and national security. But the questions to be asked: Can we simply close our borders, our doors for those seeking refuge and safety? Do we have a common responsibility towards refugees? It is essential to focus on the concerns of refugees becausethe problem is urgent. Every day that children are not in school is a day that their lives are on hold, and it is the day that we know that we are not fulfilling our possible responsibilities. In my view, we should look at, therefore, Human Rights to be an “apportioned – responsibility” by enforcing the international regulations, rather than having refugees “caught by the global promise”. Yet a devoted educational process made easily available to them can lead to their sense of self in modern states.

 

Conceptual Framework – The range of rights of Refugees

In order to succeed in rejuvenating and furnishing refugees dignity for the sake of their individuals through developing a sense of self, and through consistency of their rights to education, within a progressive and devoted education. The conceptual model presented in Figure 1 was used, taking into account three groups of variables: Human rights [education right for refugees is their hope in various ways of life (independent), Keeping both humanitarians’ actions and Justice balanced (dependent), and war zone and severe socioeconomic deprivation (background variables). In what follows, each of the concepts included in Figure 1 will be described in some data.

Figure 1. Three groups of variables

Methods and Data Analysis

I use historical and political analysis methods to understand the tension between global rights for refugees and whether they are positively enforceable in European societies. My specific intent is to identify the purposes and modes of provision of refugee education after months of the SecondWorldWar across multiple registers of normative intentions, as well as mechanisms for institutions to enforce international norms. This approach entails paying attention to the perspectives of European actors, as well as national and international NGOs. It also involves paying close attention to the timing, sequence, and understanding of these concepts related to actions and events. Data gathered from the United Nations Library and Archives, UNHCR archives, and the education unit. Data set compiled from education reports, strategies, policies, and online documents from 1951 to the present (n=220) with the goal of compiling a comprehensive data set.

Expanding the subjects and substance of refugee status

In order to understand the refugees’ issue in a European context, I, therefore, would like to descriptively engage schools of thought into our discussions about the tension of refugees’ influx. Therefore, one could be curious in knowing why people, not just refugees, are fleeing their homes? To provide an analytical answer to the asked question: I first employ methodologies of historical and policy analysis. My specific intent is to identify the main purposes and modes of migration. John Hope Simpson claims that refugee problems were avoided prior to the War because borders were open, and there was not any racial, economic, or political nationalism like there is today[19]. In other words, some people believed that we can live in a borderless world. Other people, however, pretend that you can just stop anyone from migrating.

This reflects on the crisis of memory, in the sense that we define who is or who is not a member of our national community. Far too often, the people clamoring to close the borders forget that they themselves were beneficiaries of openness, either as former refugees or otherwise desperate immigrants looking for new possibilities in a new land. Careful here: I am not implying that we should live in a borderless world. Absolutely, we can acknowledge the moment and say, we have borders, but we cannot obsess about borders. We can reimagine ourselves as part of a global community rather than exclusively a national community. What I am implying is that a set of public policies that aren’t beholding purely to the boundaries of the nation-states can be adopted. These impossible utopian dreams, where people dream that you could determine who is coming and who is not, somewhere in the middle of them, there should be something to aim for, especially in these two competing virtues: Mercy aligned with mechanisms that lead to refugee helping versus rejection.

And the virtue of justice is not just justice for people fleeing countries, but justice for people in the countries they are fleeing to (host countries.) This is because there is a need for a sustainable asylum policy to differentiate between people fleeing from a war zone and people fleeing from deep severe economic deprivation. Not to mention that there is a need to reimagine the issue of citizenship in more dynamic, more practical ways for those seeking safety. This again raises concerns about our contemporary struggle against racism, police brutality, and inequality, as a result of taking seriously the question of supremacy: We live in a community where we believe that some lives are inherently worth more than others. This belief undergirded by white supremacy, orientalism, islamophobia, and anti-Semitism, allows us to view some lives are worthy of protection and others are disposable. It allows us to see some cultures as compatible with our society and others as an inherent threat to our way of life. Of course, they are tangible political and cultural differences that we must consider, and we must do that, but even those differences can’t be properly understood or reckoned with until we address our core biases. Coming back to European societies, we must tackle the issue of neutral representation, particularly both politicians and media.

The degree to which online communities of like- minded citizens can create, sustain, and expand spectacle with little help from mainstream media is an important aspect of media spectacle in digital culture[20]. Not to mention the fact that some societies are stated to be neutral not advocate against refugees[21]. In other words media shapes how we are identified with the sense of the social problem, gives us the sense of what is available solutions are, and tells whose lives matter and whose don’t. As a result, understanding this mechanism that led to refugee helping versus rejection is what makes this science complex. Just like Robert Böhm and his colleagues stated that “citizens are more like to increase helping when it prevents a loss rather than generate again for the refugees”[22]. In other words, citizens deceive refugees into that they are willing to help and refugees disguise themselves as uninformed. However, I reject this behavior in the sense that we should not see refugees as a liability but rather recognize their potential and their struggle. This is to say that refugees are not yet to come, refugees are here.

And, rather than creating livelihood-based programs, a hybrid humanitarian and development approach to the efficient involvement of local actors, particularly those closest to the refugee population, the sense of humanity is taken away if we discuss these issues with the mindset that refugees will replace you and take you away. As cited in, “International Responsibility-Sharing for Refugees”[23]. And this takes us to our next question: What do the European governments and the non-governmental sector have to offer to the refugees within modern society, once they formally receive a right of residence? What rights to education are granted and how can they be accessed? In this section, we intend to assess on how to keep both humanitarian actions and Justice balanced in host countries. Of course, there is access to the territory and push-back. We will answer the questions by first offering a critical analysis of the universality of human rights and second, by introducing the main Romanian Asylum Policies. It is widely acknowledged that integrating refugees has evolved into a new science, one that should be understood as a difficult and gradual process involving various but interconnected legal, economic, social, and cultural dimensions. Each of these aspects is essential to a refugee’s ability to successfully rebuild a meaningful social life in the host society and become a contributing member[24]. Integration faces difficulties since it needs the involvement of many actors: A refugee is “someone who has fled war, violence, conflict, or persecution and has crossed an international border to find safety in another country. Host communities and public institutions to welcome refugees and meet the needs of a diverse population”[25]. This science of integration is like the psychological war, and to fight the psychological war one must be highly intelligent. You can define it as much as you want, but the fact remains, is that you still need a lecture theatre.

You can do this by re- calling refugees to make a commitment themselves, requiring the host states for active involvement from the central government, local authorities, at the municipality level aligned with ministries, the private sectors, and the local community but you still need to give both parties first principles. I am here to assert and insist that integration science indeed is the most complex in the sense that we live in a community that emerged with prosocial behavior and antisocial behavior. Some citizens are willing to help refugees, whereas others are not. Understanding this mechanism that led to refugee helping versus rejection is what makes this science complex. Similar to Robert Böhm and his colleagues, citizens prefer to increase their assistance when it prevents a loss rather than generate a solution for refugees[26]. However, we should instead develop livelihood-based programs, a hybrid humanitarian and development approach to enlisting the effective participation of local actors, particularly those closest to the refugee population[27].

The integration of refugees should be seen as an interplay and varied in two different processes requiring efforts from all parties involved, including a willingness on the part of refugees to adapt to the host society and the willingness on the part of host communities and public institutions to welcome refugees and meet the needs of a diverse population[28]. Thus, the main concern is to see how citizens’ impact and their distraction to the principled integration of refugees. But still, the main question is: can we trust human beings to always care about others? Or should we force human beings to always care about others? And this is where the issues of rights and responsibilities come in, but also, do we have regulators when things go wrong? Of course, Human Rights are indeed good regulators, but the main question is whether they are practical and effective.

In my view, it is quite distinct. from the establishment and implementation of these rights, I mean, when we look at the rights given to refugees, by the legislation in the field of migration and asylum, respectively Law 122/2006 on asylum in Romania, by Article 20 (Rights of persons with protection and Government Ordinance 44/2004 on integration in Romania (…), with amendments and subsequent additions, give refugees the same rights as Romanian citizens, except the right to vote and political rights. For example, my interests are in Article 20, subsection (h) which stipulates: To access to all types of education, under the conditions stipulated by law for Romanian citizens” in contrast to the summary report done by JRS-Jesuit Refugees Services in Romania for the year 2019 which states that the main obstacles faced by children in practice to access education include shortage of places rendering enrolment at the beginning of the school year difficult, direct or indirect refusal by many schools to enrol asylum-seeking children, as well as several registered cases of discrimination by teachers or peers. Total granted form of protection: 563, total employed: 26, total children: 189 Enrolled: 23 = 12.16 % in the year 2019.

In this section of the engaging integration program, according to Government Ordinance no.44/2004 which includes the following:The overall objective of the policy on the integration of foreigners who obtained a form of protection in Romania, is to help them self-sustain, become independent from assistance from the state or non-governmental organizations and actively participate in the economic, social and cultural life. We intend to assess if the realization of refugees’ rights is not in fact a result of refugees’ problems in Romanian society. We will answer the question by accessing National Council for Refugees’ report (CNRR) on the integration program challenges, and “An Overview of the Romanian Asylum Policies”, not forgetting to view Silviu Rogobete’s stand on human rights in Romanian society. And by looking at various thoughts, then we shall be able to understand why the Refugees find it difficult to have their skills and their struggles recognized by both private and public institutions in Romania as an example.

This global increase in asylum seekers stirred up debates and disagreements on the number of individuals that should be granted asylum and how to best receive and integrate incoming refugees. Norway for example, has established a novel recognition procedure for persons without verifiable documentation[29]. The Norwegian reception and subsequent integration of refugees is a process largely facilitated and controlled by the state[30]. The Norwegian State Educational Loan Fund is an example. “Foreign nationals may be eligible for support from the Norwegian State Educational Loan Fund if they have been granted asylum or a residence permit on humanitarian grounds if they are married to a Norwegian citizen or have come to Norway through family reunification” see The Norwegian State Educational Loan Fund, 2021[31]. While in Germany the research concerned with increasing the admission of refugees into higher education is necessary to minimize the gap between learning and earning and to foster refugees’ self-sufficiency[32] and nearly half of the Syrians that arrived in Germany were between 18 and 27 years old[33] which is to say, of the ageto work full-time or attend higher education. Compared to other groups of migrants, Syrians come to Germany with higher levels of education and English language skills[34]. Many Syrian refugees have high educational ambitions[35], raising their chances of integration and success in their host country[36]. Hence Syrian refugee students should be seen as attractive international students and later, highly skilled members of the workforce, in Germany.

However, there are substantial obstacles for Syrian refugee students in accessing higher education in Germany due to the increasing number of refugees which increases the demand for higher education and creates new challenges for German. According to Sarah Dryden-Peterson “the global promise of universal human rights, is in contrast the realization of these sets of rights in everyday practices”[37]. In other words, the inability of increasing the enforcement of these sets of rights, through principled integration programs is meant for self-reliance, therefore educational rights should be its engine; this is because education provides skills and skills that give competitive opportunities in the labor market. In Romania for example many refugees face many challenges, particularly language skills that act as barriers to integration though they are easier to get through for the highly educated who use English as a substitute.

Those without university degrees face a double challenge as their English proficiency is not great either. Providing proper language courses, in particular by means of interaction with native Romanians is a good practice to boost both integration and access to rights. But there is a lot to be improved in the integration field as stated by Vasile and Androniceanu that an effective asylum policy must be developed by the national authorities with the support of the appropriate expertise of the civil society and must take into account both the national situation and European legislation in order to provide refugees with a sustainable integration process[38].

In addition, the Romanian National Council for Refugees (CNRR) has identified the three main challenges of integration: Language, entering the job market, and the recognition of their skills[39], while Jesuit Refugee Services Romania (JRS) stated that: The main obstacles faced by refugees in the real world are difficulties in accessing to education and several discrimination cases done by teachers or peers (see country report from JRS-Romania in 2020)[40]. Vasile and Androniceanu went ahead, and tackle the most critical factor for the contemporary struggle against inequality by invoking the call for safeguarding the socioeconomic rights of refugees and asylum seekers, particularly their dignity, on the basis of fairness and non-discrimination[41].

In other words, this has reaffirmed the narrative that many European countries are creating, in which they are attempting to paint an image of migrants and refugees as unskilled, unhuman, and unwelcome, particularly in a community that claims to be neutral, not advocating for or against refugees[42]. This has triggered my curiosity in the sense that what could be the objective reason that has made it a logical necessity for both public and politicians to remain neutral on the refugees’ concerns? Rogobete and Petan have shown that the Romanian youth they investigated are a large majority in agreement with the statement: “The government should guarantee political refugees’ freedom to travel[43].” Coupled with Vasile and Androniceanu “especially their dignity, based on equality and non-discrimination may lead us to a future where immigration can provide more advantages to Romanian society than fears and threats”. In other words, this reaffirms why refugee issues in a European context are the challenge, in fact, it is testing collective humanity and challenging the assumption about national identity and national security.

This is because many of their fears, and many of the moral panics, that are assigned to the immigration issues, and refugee problems, are in fact not found in any Nation – state’s data. The fear that refugees are going to come and become terrorists is not founded on any sort of data. The idea that they are going to destroy the economy is undermined by economic allowance. Coming to the representation which is also another fact about refugees’ problems in European society, if media in some Nation – states is to be neutral on refugees’ concerns, yet we know, the media, both traditional and new forms offer most citizens windows into the human experience. It shapes how we identify and assess social problems. The media gives us a sense of what, our available solutions are.

The media tells us whose lives matter, and whose don’t. It is true that there is a standstill strugglefor both refugees and Humanitarians to think outside the constraints of current refugees’ problems amongst the Refugees’ recognition of their skills and their struggles by both private and public institutions within Nation–states. And this leads us to our third question: Why is it that the principled integration program for refugees should aim to look at the psychological impact on refugees? And access available to education for refugees, and to what level? As a critical factor in our contemporary struggle against racism, police brutality, and inequality. In this section, we intend to assess if the psychological impact on refugees is not in fact a challenge to refugees’ sense of self, in order to earn their social capital and realization of their educational rights in host countries.

We will answer the question by demonstrating the role of education in human capacity building, as well as demonstrating how education is a hope/promise in various ways of life for refugees. We will do that, by looking at their educational rights (Art20, h) granted by the government of Romania[44]  as an example. Before we get into it, I would like to engage: A set of theories devised by Freud who believes that a person can be cured by unleashing their unconscious thoughts and gaining insight into themselves in the process. Unconscious thoughts manifest themselves in uncontrolled actions hence the “Freudian slip”. True, the UNHCR is the agency tasked with protecting refugees on a physical, political, and social level as well as providing them with humanitarian aid including food, shelter, and water as well as education[45]. However, my main point is to focus on what Sarah Dryden-Peterson did not go in: One, how to analyze the complex interplay between the governments and humanitarian organizations, for probing solutions for refugees’ rights to education.

Two, which is the question, that looks at the psychological impact of refugees’ struggle. Upon the living individual, what does it do to a refugee when he is seen as predetermined in terms of double consciousness, especially for Africans? What does it do to a refugee’s sense of self steam? What does it do to a refugee’s sense of relationship with other people (host community)? What does it do to a refugee’s gender relations? What does it do to a refugee’s sense of inferiority complex? All of these questions are relevant and still applicable in our contemporary struggle against inequality for the world of third-world refugees whose future was destroyed and who hope to prepare, build and repair the future of their children, but how is that even possible? When you are seen to be killed by a simile and buried out of the heart. The European refugee crisis is a factor here yet it is the most qualified to promote Human Rights to the rest of the world. In the real world, refugees need to work. According to UNHCR “A fundamental objective of refugee education is to meet the protection needs of refugee children and young people because schools provide essential physical protection”[46]. In other words, there is no self-reliant theorywithout both formal and informal education. Thus, education provides skills and skills that give competitive opportunities in the labor market. Once working rights are respected other rights are more likely to be respected as well. Through education, they will be able to fight against the circle of poverty.

According “this set of rights in article 22 of the 1951 convention specifies that signatories’ states shall accord refugees the same treatment as accorded to the nationals. In contrast to the realization of these set rights in everyday practice”[47]. In other words: the crisis of unbalanced justice between humanitarian organizations and host countries ‘responsibilities has failed to bring a commonality to refugees’ concerns. I say this to say that two parties need to know the first principles of human dignity. And when we look at the created picture in many countries in Europe, migrants amp; refugees are unskilled, not human, and unwelcome. This results in housing difficulties, where renting a flat is sometimes an adventure given the prejudice encountered in interactions with landlords. Also, social integration seems to be a complex matter for refugees, governed by a duality of influencing factors. Not to mention “several registered cases of discrimination” see country report from JRS-Romania[48]. This also has to do with the lack of causality assessment in existing statistical methods in social-economic cultural integration practice.

By enforcing human rights for its implementation and responsibility with both local and international awareness as a result of “treatment as favorable as possible” art.22 1951 convention. In a Romanian context for example article 20, the letter H Asylum law: states that a refugee has the right “to access to all types of education, under the conditions stipulated by law for Romanian citizens” which is in contrast to JRS-Jesuit Refugees Services in Romania report: Total granted a form of protection: 563, total employed: 26, total children: 189 Enrolled: 23 = 12.16 % in the year 2019 (see country report from JRS-Romania[49]. Furthermore, where I think that an education can transform a war orphan’s sorrow into a passion for peace. I have been preoccupied with the impact of educators’responsibility—both professionally and ethically—to promote diversity and equity in our community schools, given that we have 44,9 % of children/unaccompanied children and no data on their enrolment status in the Romanian educational system as a whole.

That is why I disagree with Cimpoeru et Al believe that their tests „show that the perceived discrimination level of refugees residing in Romania is significantly lower than in any other destination country”[50] this is because one might wonder what objective reseason has made it logical for refugees to lack access to basic education. In this situation, we have a complex interplay between the government, NGOs, and refugees’ commitment. My argument would be, how do we relate children’s education to parents’ education? And how education for parents reflects both, competitive monopolies on the labor market, as a result of earning social capital. On the other hand, the family’s different educational potentials, result in developing children’s intellectual affinities. According to Ardita Ceka and Rabije Murati: “The parents themselves are the ones to take care of the overall children’s physical and intellectual development, till the point they get independent and ready to face the challenges of the society they live in. Parents are aware of the work on the development of children, but at the same time, they need pedagogical information on the right to education of their children”[51].

In other words, in a refugee context, the provision of education for refugees and it advocates for “education as a basic right” in the context of the 1951 Refugee Convention and the 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child as stated in the 2002 Education Sector Policy and Guidelines Draft from the UNHCR Geneva, UNHCR will ensure and advocate for basic education of female and male refugees and other persons of concern as a matter of priority and as part of the process of finding durable solutions and enhancement of their capacity for security and protection, regardless of whether they are children or adults. I partially agreed with Sarah’s suggestion as a solution to the refugee educational problem in terms of education other than elementary [post-primary education, postsecondary scholarship] see Dryden-Peterson[52]. This is because in a Romanian context for example article 20, the letter H Asylum law: states that, a refugee has the right “to access to all types of education, under the conditions stipulated by law for Romanian citizens.” In other words, a refugee has rights to tertiary education as well as higher education to the doctorate level of education.

How to address all questions which are still applicable to our contemporary struggle against inequality? This is because refugees still need to be educated in various domains regardless of whether they are children or adults, as result in knowing their legal rights: For example, in a European context, refugees need the first principles in the various legal fields, like Employment law, Nation – states ‘judicial system and how to access law, Contract law, Housing law, Healthcare system, Personal data protection,Writing, advocacy, and negotiation skills, Immigration law within modern states, Entrepreneurship and setting up a business in European countries. And this results in what Sarah Dryden-Peterson partially referred to that refugees are unable to achieve many of their individual legal rights that constituted the contemporary states[53]. And furthermore, the lack of equipment and human resources is the main challenge. The use of NGOs’ willingness to help, and inding volunteers among co-ethnic students in medical schools or even graduates is another way o alleviate the current situation. More importantly, the lack of specialized psychological care is still an obstacle to integration.

Results from Data Analysis

What struck me in analyzing the literature and linking the three compelling hypotheses is that much of what is in the literature was already part of the discussions in the peacemaker and humanitarian world. However, The question of what to do with the refugees-newcomers in our host communities remains unanswered. As a result of justice and help, this is not a new problem in the sense that, justice for the host communities, the host communities have always had challenges with what they do with the population coming in, especially when you are poor when the community itself is poor as well. I think we have to reimagine not as mentioned by Susan F. Martin, Rochelle Davis, Grace Benton, and Zoya Waliany in their article: International Responsibility-Sharing for Refugees that “international responsibility- sharing can promote protection for persons whose rights have been violated”[54][54], rather enable peacebuilding to happen before the conflicts break out, the chances of a solution for all of us would be better. And the solutions are just out there, we just need the political will and the public to actually know that there is hope and possibility of changing the way that we think about these. This is because for sure people do not want to leave their countries and people do want to return home.

In Dryden-Peterson’s article: Refugee Education, mentioned the question of who is a signatory to the refugee conventions and so forth[55]. The international refugee convention that we have dates back to the twentieth century, to World War I and World War II, especially in the 1950s, when some countries existed, others did not, for example, the colonized world, and some countries signed and recognized refugees as Europeans, for instance, Turkey with reservations, however, people seem to forget that the political definitions of refugee rights are to provide a truly universal framework within which states can cooperate and share responsibility for forced displacement. Therefore, education for refugees is a fundamental part of their lives because, with education, they will have access to their rights in host communities. Every refugee needs education, if you and I had missed a day or months of school, we are not sure whether we’d be able to get into the university. Thus, I think that we have to understand that this is urgent and critical, especially in the European community.

And despite all debates from literature reviews, schooling must be integral to what we mean by humanitarian relief. After the analysis of the findings, brought into view by accessing several pieces of literature show that little is known, on what could be the objective reason, that has made it a logical necessity, for the lack of refugees’ involvement in socio-economic activities after they were granted refugees status by these modern states.

Descriptive analysis on human rights promotion

In this discussion section, we intend to re-analyze what makes people (refugees) migrate today. Refugees fled their countries due to the lack of safety, and limited access to the resources like social, cultural, economic, and intellectual rights in their home countries; with special emphasis on Africa, and this particularity returns to the fact that Africa has the second highest number of refugees in the world. To do that we plan to assess if the one-sided promotion of human rights is not in fact a tool for political influence used by the imperial states by considering the trade agreement, and exploitative labor practices that actively undermine the possibility of prosperity with the colonized world. This will be understood by looking at refugees’ issues from a colonial perspective. When one reflects on he global refugee struggle, one cannot, but help be struck by the enormity of the historical problems, suffering, and trauma faced by refugees in the tragic events from their home countries to the host countries. You can only understand this struggle by viewing the historical event of Jewish refugees. 70 years after Jesus, when General Titus conquered the Judean and destroyed Jerusalem. Jewish have gone through a period of intense sadness and unending hardship; I would like to say that the literature of Jewish refugees around the world not only reflects the tragedies of the last millennium but also the complexity of translating the past into the present.

You can understand this through the national anthem of Israel” the Hope”[56], and reading the book, Jewish state[57]. The main reason why I am engaging Jewish literature is to background these introductory questions: What should refugees learn from Jewish history? How and why do refugees need to transpose the past into the present? Refugees’ problem must be understood in the context of slavery’s historical perspectives aligned with colonial war, Existentialism states that human beings develop by exercising their own free will. Seen in this light, imperialism which stifles the free will of the colonized world is shown to be inherently dehumanizing. As a result of the push of colonized people into mental anguish.

If life is to be a westerner, but they are not westerners, they anguish into a psychological position, whereby they are forced to see themselves asWesterners through the refugees’ circumstances. From in contemporary point of view: you may argue with reason and with evidence indeed that most of the refugee problems in the colonized world are connected to imperialism but to describe it as a westerner’s organization might be dodging a few factors, that all states are sovereign with rights and responsibilities towards their people.

Africa as an example, and the plight of human beings as refugees have become in the process twin pillars of suffering, that tower, and eclipse, many other equally tragic events from the continent. Images from the African continent show hunger and an endless migratory exodus, which seems to be a new way of slavery. One wonders if the fact that European countries are promoting human rights principles, as another weapon to plunge Africa into extreme poverty, in the sense that the intellectuals who could have been working for the development of the whole of Africa, have fled, this crisis has assumed unmanageable proportions, engulfing whole regions and overwhelming many States in Africa, not to mention the financial burden it causes the international community or the contribution which it makes to global totals. It is cruel that Africa, the poorest of the continents and getting poorer all the time, should also be afflicted by worse refugee problems than just about any other region. The literary portrayal of the lives of African slaves and refugees before, during, and after colonialism, which has to do with this historical feature and the psychology of moral anguish and ideological confusion associated with it, forms a historical investigation and establishes the link between the historical and contemporary eras.. Crime in a neo-colonial context is a manifestation of the violence in postcolonial politics, the material conditions, and the psychological afflictions caused by neo-colonialism; it is not an inherent or biological trait of African people.

The Neo-colonialism nature that I am describing here, is how until now Africans understand that living, is living on he continent of Europe, which results in the crossing of the Mediterranean Sea. A similar cycle of psychological violence, extreme sadness, mental illness, and trauma as result. Neoliberalism has also generalized new forms of psychological distress and created a proliferation of mental illness through its new political system” Smart power” as a result of one-sided Human rights promotion. Many colonial ideas coincide with the current struggle against racism, police brutality, and inequality, thus the internal contradictions within a progressive revolutionary movement, a committed and principled change in the mindset of both local leaders and elites to raise awareness of the complex sense and sensibility of African refugees during their stay in Europe or elsewhere in the world, linking the past to the present, as the Jews did to return and found their nation of Israel during the vibrant Zionist movement[58]. As a result, to support the development of Africa through good relations with the international community instead of enslaving themselves through the newrefugee path. It is time for Africans to stop turning to Europeans, and return to themselves, to build a self-help philosophy, especially in restoring human dignity, and principles of human rights, rather than thinking that there are those who have a responsibility to respect the rights that are taken from our relatives or fellow Africans.

Again: Why does all this matter? It is because, even if it is not for refugees’ circumstances. . . ., it is going to be someone else, or something else, there is always going to be some reminder that you are not a westerner. And it will eat away at you because you are mentally anguished to see yourself as awesterner. González-Rodríguez, and Al[59] [59] rightly argue that “international responsibility-sharing can promote protection for persons whose rights have been violated” (pg,65). In other words, promoting the universalism of human rights, but they are naïve to understand that human rights are established, and respected by the laws governing justice. In Africa, for example, the lawworks like a spider’sweb, catching small insects, whereas in theWestern world, it is like a blind child who does not know his parents.That is why extreme inequality amongst countries is reflected in the chaos, tragedies, and fierce wars, especially in poor countries for the benefit of rich countries, where the effects of refugee problems are exacerbated, hence to claim that refugee issues are to be treated internationally equal, that would be ignoring the fact that if shared responsibilities is the key player in resolving matters of refugees, then we would not have refugees’issues in the first place. As a result, it is safe to say that education promotes understanding of the host society, as well as one’s rights, responsibilities, and duties.

For example, teaching young children about their rights and responsibilities may eventually lead to safeguarding their right to elementary education. Education helps to meet psychosocial needs due to the disruption of children’s lives through conflict and displacement. There is a great need for structured activities that provide a sense of routine and normality and education fills such a role. Finally, education promotes self- reliance and social and economic development by building human capital and this capital is needed for the future reconstruction and development of displaced persons’ areas of origin or settlement. In addition to the discussion section: As anyone who has lived through the tragedy of being a refugee; it is evidently to have gone through a period of intense sadness and unending hardship in various ways of life. As a result of the difficult path, one went through in seeking refuge. It is true that one’s life is destroyed.

Of course, he might not be alone, but also with members of his/her entire family, consisting of children, husband or woman. In fact, to reach the host country, where they need first-hand experience, try to fit in a new foreign country, in a new society, also try to build bridges given the extraordinarily strong emotional sufferings: itself is another new schooling way of life. This means that his/her future and that of the whole family will be determined by the newcommunity that welcomes the entire family, under international refugee rights. Of course, I focus on education right, because it is the basis of new life in the new country. In fact, according to the contemporary concept of parents ‘role and contribution to their children’s education: “the parents take a crucial stand, when it comes to heir children’s development and education as a whole, as the parents themselves are the ones to take care on the overall children physical and intellectual development, till the point they get independent and ready to face the challenges of the society they live in”[60]. In other words, parents should be given the opportunity to study, since it has a positive impact on their lives and on the education of their children. This is in conformity to what Article 22 (1-2) of the 1951 Convention specifies that signatory states shall accord to refugees the same treatment as is accorded to nationals with respect to elementary education… [and] treatment as favorable as possible as cited in ‘Refugee Education’[61]. For example: if we teach both children and parents, is not ignoring their important role in their children’s education and upbringing? And this has to do with parental involvement. How could parents help their children in doing homework given by their caregivers at school when they do not understand it? Especially, the teaching system/ language is determined by the country in which they have taken refuge.

That’s why I partially aligned with González-Rodríguez, and colleagues[62], who believe that “Increasing access to education through greater responsibility-sharing is an immediate need that would support longer-term solutions for refugees’ problems”[63]. This is because of the word “sharing.” Where the word ’share’ exists? Its possible definition is in the dictionary, not in our actual world, because we live in a two-sided community with prosocial and antisocial behaviors; the public attitude speaks a lot to the psychology of citizens; on the mechanisms that lead to refugee helping versus rejection. Because we cannot rely on people to care for others, the law must take its course to enforce refugees’ right to education, which must be implemented by the local ministry of education through the institutionalization of refugees’ education within the nation, as outlined in national development plans and education sector plans.As a result of refugees earning social capital in the host country, then we have longer-term solutions for refugees ’problems. This will help refugees to understand, choose to live by the truth or choose to take the same steps as the Jews who invaded after the time of intense difficulties they went through, including genocide by the Nazis, but will eventually return to rebuild their country, Israel.

Conclusion

This concluding part turns to the general research question, and sub-research questions, it also offers the general answers to the entire research questions. Carries on the discussion of the particularity of refugee rights in the context of the foundational claim in contemporary international human rights law, and the European requirements on asylum law. This part, on the other hand, has taken a small step in this direction by exploring and better understanding contemporary refugee issues. Using refugees’ knowledge to open the black box of refugees’, NGOs’, and government institutions’ collaborative network activities in protecting refugees’ right to education. This article ends with a summary of findings that address the nature, and integration based on education right. I then go over the research’s contributions. I conclude by discussing the research’s limitations and proposing a research agenda for the future. This article sheds light on the first research question posed in the introduction for the article. In order to enhance our knowledge of the economic and social rights of the European host communities, I proposed choosing to focus on both main and sub-research questions about the rights that host communities have to offer refugees. I answer why integration difficulties arise, how the host community can understand the validity of refugees’ rights, and how refugees can actually contribute to the social and economic effects of the host community. started this article by noting how in Europe society the more significant integration difficulties have emerged refugees’ rights discourse. I also pointed out how the integration of refugees may be complex to manage. Refugees need to adapt to the host society, and on the other side, may be dynamic to the institutional policies of the host society.

For instance, one of the main reasons for the integration challenges in Romania is the adaptation to the project of asylum legislation in all ministries.Research has advanced in the last few years regarding „the Integration two-way process”(see integration-discussion-paper-July-014-EN), but still has a long way to go, in particular with respect to the refugee right to education rather than the integration as a whole. This research has taken a small step in this direction, in exploring and better understanding the rights that refugees have once they have been granted any form of international protection in European society. Using the educational right to open up the black box of the specified range of refugees’ rights in inter-organizational collaboration. This article probes the question of What are rights refugees have once they have been granted any form of international protection in host countries? and whether access to education available for refugees in all forms of education.

The findings’ executive summary discusses the nature, the complex interplay between governmental and non-governmental actors, and the implications of the right to education. It also discusses the interconnections between legal, economic, social, and cultural integration, all of which depend on refugees’ ability to access education, perhaps to fully rebuild a decent social life in the host society. Based on the findings and analysis of the article along with the above research questions. The evidence indicates that, in a Romanian context, for instance, the inability to improve access to education through principled integration programs as they are for self-reliance, education should be its engine; this is because education provides skills and skills give competitive opportunities in the labor market; once work- ing rights are respected, other rights are more likely to be respected as well; and through education, refugees will be able to fight the cycle of poverty.. Another example is refugees in Romania face difficulties in having their skills and struggles recognized by both private and public institutions. The overall findings revealed by accessing various pieces of literature show that little is known about what could be the objective reason, that has made it a logical necessity, for the lack of involvement of refugees in socioeconomic activities after they were granted refugee status in Romania. However, the Westerns Nations are being asked to support the integration of third-country migrants (non- EU nationals) much more than they did in the past. In 2015, the number of asylum applications in Europe reached 1.3 million, three times what it was in 2013 and twice what it was in 2014. These numbers have diminished somewhat recently due to increased control imposed by the EU Member States. According to Eurostat, the number of first-time asylum applicants decreased by 51 % in the fourth quarter of 2016 compared with the same quarter of 2015 and by 43 % compared with the third quarter of 2016: Eurostat[64].

However, the question of how to provide knowledge, information, and education that can support the integration of those who are arriving or are already in Europe, remains a glaring priority[65]. In some European countries, for example, there are some limitations on refugees’ access to all forms of education; however, education can connect refugees to future socioeconomic opportunities[66]. Education helps refugees integrate into local communities, advance their personal development, and provide for their families[67]. Once working rights are respected, other rights are more likely to be respected, and this will result in the refugees ‘social capital. Despite committing to the adoption of humanitarian values by signing the Geneva Convention on the status of Refugees in 1951, the capacity and willingness to address this issue met with many questions about the respect of human rights, democratic principles, and the rule of law across Europe. The signatories of the Geneva Convention have legally bound themselves to introduce policies aiming at empowering and integrating refugees within their new communities using education as one of the instruments for this purpose.

In order to guarantee this inherent element of integration, countries and HEIs need to fulfill their commitments regarding the social dimension which is understood in Europe as “strategies and measures taken to mirror the diversity of society at large within higher education.” Despite the promising results, the preliminary research has a number of flaws that require further investigation.

Second, because the study was exploratory, extensive research was required, with a primary focus on the characteristics that helped refugees successfully integrate into European society through proper education. Second, rather than focusing specifically on inter-organizational cooperation, the data gathered focused on international refugee rules and European asylum needs in general, rather than integrating encountered impediments or linguistic perspectives. In light of the research’s positive findings and limitations, my paper focuses on the right to education in order to better understand its role in a more extensive and well-integrated social life. As a result, this article focuses on the role of governments and non-governmental organizations in ensuring the right to education. Nevertheless, as with most academic work, one’s own limitations can be turned into another’s possible future research projects. Furthermore, after analyzing various literature sources, the results of the present study suggest that little-known about the real reasons for refugees’ lack of participation in socioeconomic activities after being granted refugee status by European states. In addition, mixed methodological approaches could look into the complexities of the socio-economic contexts, including open questionnaires and focus groups. Perhaps the subject can appeal to legal refugees, government and non-government workers, and educators who work with refugees. Thus in the interest of a noble community that recognizes everyone’s equal rights.

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